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Consider the following statements : Statement-I : Israel has established diplomatic relations with some Arab States. Statement-II : The 'Arab Peace Initiative' mediated by Saudi Arabia was signed by Israel and Arab League. Which one of the following is correct in respect of the above statements?
Explanation
The correct answer is Option 3 because Statement-I is factually accurate, while Statement-II is incorrect.
Statement-I is correct: Israel has established formal diplomatic relations with several Arab nations. This began with Egypt (1979) and Jordan (1994), and was expanded through the 2020 Abraham Accords, which normalized ties with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Morocco.
Statement-II is incorrect: The Arab Peace Initiative (2002) was a proposal spearheaded by Saudi Arabia and endorsed by the Arab League. It offered full normalization of relations with Israel in exchange for a full withdrawal from occupied territories and a "just solution" for Palestinian refugees. However, Israel never signed or formally accepted this initiative, citing security concerns and disagreements over the proposed borders and the right of return. Since the initiative was never a bilateral signed agreement between Israel and the Arab League, the statement is false.
PROVENANCE & STUDY PATTERN
Guest previewThis question tests the 'Status of Agreement' trap. Statement I is headline news (Abraham Accords), but Statement II is a historical detail about the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative. The trap lies in the word 'signed'āinitiatives are proposals, treaties are signed. Israel never accepted the API, let alone signed it with the entire Arab League.
This question can be broken into the following sub-statements. Tap a statement sentence to jump into its detailed analysis.
Web source
Presence: 5/5
"In late 2020 and early 2021, Israel established official diplomatic relations with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain (the Abraham Accords), renewed its relations with Morocco, and took steps towards establishing relations with Sudan... These were Israelās first normalisation deals since the agreements with Egypt (1979), the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO, 1993) and Jordan (1994)."
Why this source?
- Explicitly states that in late 2020 and early 2021 Israel established official diplomatic relations with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain (the Abraham Accords).
- Also situates these as the first normalisation deals since earlier agreements, and gives years for earlier agreements with Egypt and Jordan.
Web source
Presence: 4/5
"In 1999, Mauritania, a member of the Arab League in north-west Africa, established diplomatic relations with Israel - but severed ties in 2010."
Why this source?
- Gives a specific example of an Arab League member (Mauritania) that established diplomatic relations with Israel and provides the year.
- Also notes the later severing of those ties, which is relevant to which relations were established and their timing.
Web source
Presence: 3/5
"Currently, Egypt and Jordan are the only Arab countries to recognise Israel."
Why this source?
- States which Arab countries recognised Israel (Egypt and Jordan), supporting which formal relations exist.
- Helps identify the long-standing recognitions separate from the more recent Abraham Accords.
- Explicitly states that in late 2020 and early 2021 Israel established official diplomatic relations with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain (the Abraham Accords).
- Also situates these as the first normalisation deals since earlier agreements, and gives years for earlier agreements with Egypt and Jordan.
- Gives a specific example of an Arab League member (Mauritania) that established diplomatic relations with Israel and provides the year.
- Also notes the later severing of those ties, which is relevant to which relations were established and their timing.
- States which Arab countries recognised Israel (Egypt and Jordan), supporting which formal relations exist.
- Helps identify the long-standing recognitions separate from the more recent Abraham Accords.
History , class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.) > Chapter 15: The World after World War II > ArabāIsraeli War > p. 255
Strength: 4/5
āAs the United Nations voted to partition Palestine into a Jewish state and an Arab state in November 1947, conflict broke out almost immediately between Jews and Arabs in Palestine. On the eve of the British forces' withdrawal (May 15, 1948), Israel declared independence. By 1966 the U.S. providing began to Israel with advanced planes and missiles. The Cold War had come to the Middle East, and the UN was out of the scene. Over the next few months, tensions increased between Israel and the surrounding Arab states. In April 1967 there were artillery exchanges between Israel and Syria. The U.S.ā
Why relevant
Describes sustained tensions and armed conflict between Israel and surrounding Arab states (1948ā1967 and after), implying that formal diplomatic relations were unlikely during those periods.
How to extend
A student could use this timeline of hostility to infer that any formal relations with Arab states are more likely to have been established after these high-conflict periods.
History , class XII (Tamilnadu state board 2024 ed.) > Chapter 15: The World after World War II > Arab-Israeli War > p. 256
Strength: 5/5
ā- - Not to Scale W E
Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) was formed in 1964 to federate various Palestinian groups that previously had operated as clandestine resistance movements. It came into prominence after the Arab-Israeli War of June 1967. The PLO was engaged in a protracted guerrilla wars against Israel until the 1980s, before entering into peace negotiations in the 1990s. Yasser Arafat was its outstanding leader.ā
Why relevant
Notes the PLO's guerrilla warfare against Israel until the 1980s and that it entered peace negotiations in the 1990s, indicating a shift from conflict to negotiation in the 1990s.
How to extend
One could infer that the 1990s peace-process era is a plausible window when diplomatic recognition/relations between Israel and some Arab actors might have been established.
Geography of India ,Majid Husain, (McGrawHill 9th ed.) > Chapter 16: IndiaāPolitical Aspects > INDIA'S ROLE IN WORLD AFFAIRS > p. 59
Strength: 3/5
āCountries considered India's closest allies include the Russian Federation, Israel, Bhutan, Nepal, and Tajikistan. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and economic liberalisation in 1992, India has fostered a close relationship with the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, and Japan. India's military and economic collaboration with the United States, Japan, and Israel has grown significantly in the past few years. India has also forged relationships with developing countries, especially South Africa, Brazil, Mexico, and the Republic of China. India, along with Mexico, Brazil, and South Africa, often represents the interests of the developing countries through economic forums such as the G8+5, IBSA, G4, and WTO.ā
Why relevant
States that India significantly expanded military and economic collaboration with Israel after the Cold War, reflecting a postāCold War shift toward normalization of ties with Israel by some states.
How to extend
A student could generalize this postāCold War normalization trend to ask whether certain Arab states also adjusted policies in the 1990sā2000s to establish formal relations with Israel.
Geography of India ,Majid Husain, (McGrawHill 9th ed.) > Chapter 16: IndiaāPolitical Aspects > INDIA'S ROLE IN WORLD AFFAIRS > p. 58
Strength: 3/5
āDuring the Cold War, India adopted a foreign policy of not aligning itself with any major power bloc. However, India developed close ties with the Soviet Union and received extensive military support from the USSR. The end of the Cold War significantly affected Indian foreign policy, as it did for much of the world. The country now seeks to strengthen its diplomatic and economic ties with the United States, the People's Republic of China, European Union, Japan, Israel, Latin America, and Association of Southeast Asian Nations. India also has ties with the African Union, the Commonwealth states and the Arab World.ā
Why relevant
Describes how states changed foreign-policy alignments during the Cold War and afterward, suggesting diplomatic relations evolved with global shifts.
How to extend
Using that pattern, one could investigate whether geopolitical shifts enabled some Arab states to move from hostility to formal diplomatic ties with Israel.
Rajiv Ahir. A Brief History of Modern India (2019 ed.). SPECTRUM. > Chapter 39: After Nehru... > Foreign Policy and Relations with other Countries > p. 701
Strength: 3/5
āThe pro-Arab stand had mixed results, especially after the war with Pakistan. While some of the Arab governments remained neutral (Egypt, Algeria, Syria, for instance), the conservative pro-American Arab monarchies in Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and United Arabā
Why relevant
Points out variation in Arab governments' stances (some neutral, some pro-American), indicating the Arab world was not monolithic in its relations with Israel.
How to extend
A student could use this heterogeneity to look for specific Arab states (especially more neutral or pro-Western ones) as more likely candidates to have established relations with Israel.
Describes sustained tensions and armed conflict between Israel and surrounding Arab states (1948ā1967 and after), implying that formal diplomatic relations were unlikely during those periods.
A student could use this timeline of hostility to infer that any formal relations with Arab states are more likely to have been established after these high-conflict periods.
Notes the PLO's guerrilla warfare against Israel until the 1980s and that it entered peace negotiations in the 1990s, indicating a shift from conflict to negotiation in the 1990s.
One could infer that the 1990s peace-process era is a plausible window when diplomatic recognition/relations between Israel and some Arab actors might have been established.
States that India significantly expanded military and economic collaboration with Israel after the Cold War, reflecting a postāCold War shift toward normalization of ties with Israel by some states.
A student could generalize this postāCold War normalization trend to ask whether certain Arab states also adjusted policies in the 1990sā2000s to establish formal relations with Israel.
Describes how states changed foreign-policy alignments during the Cold War and afterward, suggesting diplomatic relations evolved with global shifts.
Using that pattern, one could investigate whether geopolitical shifts enabled some Arab states to move from hostility to formal diplomatic ties with Israel.
Points out variation in Arab governments' stances (some neutral, some pro-American), indicating the Arab world was not monolithic in its relations with Israel.
A student could use this heterogeneity to look for specific Arab states (especially more neutral or pro-Western ones) as more likely candidates to have established relations with Israel.
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